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Current Approaches to Phonological Theory. Bloomington: Indiana University of Pennsylvania. Dinnsen ed.

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Bloomington: Indiana University of Pennsylvania; — Berlin: Mouton. Alabama: University of Alabama Press. Flemons, Douglas Completing Distinctions. Boston: Shambhala. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

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Untersuchungen zur Phonetik und Phonologie. Salzburg: Abakus; 83— MacMahon, Michael K. Mugglestone, Lynda ed. London: Taylor and Francis Group.

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Saussure, Ferdinand de [] Writings in General Linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. New York: Garland Publishing.

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Tobin, Yishai ed. Part 1: Phonology. Frankfurt a. This is of particular importance for our historical investigation because it explains why changes of argument structure affect some verbs but not others, and it helps to understand how the argument structure of copied verbs can spread to native verbs of the same semantic class.

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In the second case, there is a mismatch between the model code and the basic code, and the structure is adapted to an existing structure of the basic code. This case can be evidenced by higher frequencies of this particular structure. We will investigate frequency changes in me of the corresponding pattern and we will show that the question of quantitative evidence is relevant for identifying the effects of a historical contact situation.

Furthermore, we assume that in a process of copying—at least of verbs—the primary motivation is semantic, and the syntactic structures will be a reflex of the mapping of the semantic roles associated with a given verb meaning onto the grammar of the basic code.

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Therefore, semantic roles like B enefactive are cross-linguistically stable, whereas their syntactic realisation is potentially variable. The third case is, again, a mismatch, but contrary to the second case it leads to the adoption of a new structure in the basic code.

Our empirical analysis is predominantly based on syntactically annotated text corpora. The ppcme 2 is a linguistically annotated corpus based on the Helsinki corpus of ca 1. It is divided into four subperiods which will become relevant below: M1 — , M2 — , M3 — , M4 — In addition we also conducted a manual full text analysis of the Ayenbite of Inwyt and compared it with its French original Somme le roi to corroborate the findings from the Middle English me corpus.

Contact influence can manifest itself in a language system at a certain point in time or in the course of time, over successive time spans. Moreover, by comparing the frequency of occurrence of plesen in the me subperiods we can make quantitative statements as to its increase or decrease over time. In our study of the copying of plesen and the effects it had on the class of E xperiencer verbs and native ditransitive verbs we will comment on our findings from both perspectives. As mentioned above, the loss of the English case system considerably changed the language on many levels, and thus also played a crucial role in the way syntactic realisations of valency patterns developed.

Therefore, in the following subsections we will provide some information concerning these changes both in the basic code and foreign model code. It is a well-known fact that oe was an inflectional language displaying nominal 4-way case system, 3-way number system, 3-way gender system and verbal person, number, tense, mood morphology.

follow url From late oe until the end of the me period there is evidence for the erosion of this system, the result of which was that only the following two parameters were henceforth marked: singular vs plural, and non-genitive vs genitive note that personal pronouns retained inflection to some degree, see Blake, : — According to Allen — , the morphological realisation of dative case the nominal dative suffix was lost by the middle of the fourteenth century. Verbs no longer assigned either accusative or dative case to their nominal objects. This led to a system with one uniform objective case direct, indirect.

Furthermore, the nominative dative distinction was lost at that time.

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  6. This syncretism has also been regarded as having played an important role in the rise of new passive types. The nominative derives from the Latin nominative and vocative, while the accusative derives from the Latin accusative and subsumes the other cases, including the dative. This two-case distinction gradually disappears towards the end of the of period around The inflection of of clitics distinguishes between nominative, accusative and dative, e. This distinction survives in the Modern French distinction of nom. If the noun inflects, it normally shows accusative case.

    In double-object constructions the absolute dative complement tends to precede the direct object. The absolute dative was already uncommon in of ; it occurs infrequently in the oldest texts of the srcmf. Having briefly dealt with the loss of case marking and the dative and dative-like constructions available in me and of we will now return to the discussion of which patterns we expect to find for the syntactic realisation of the dative argument of of verbs in our concrete contact situation.

    In this section we take a closer look at the development of psych ological verbs in English. Psych verbs express the psychological state emotion or attitude of an E xperiencer with respect to a T heme. For this reason they are also called experiencer verbs. Different psych verbs express different psychological states, and they also differ with respect to their event structure e.

    For the sake of clarity we adopt a constant set of thematic roles for psych verbs in our analyses, irrespective of their semantic subclass similar to the approach of e. Belletti and Rizzi, but different from e. Grimshaw, This study provides empirical evidence for her assumptions that i the semantic similarity of cweman and of plaire was the driving force in the change, and ii the transfer of the syntactic properties of the French verb to the native verbs made this change evident.

    E xperiencer -dative T heme -nominative. E xperiencer -nominative T heme -genitive. E xperiencer -dative T heme -genitive. However, on closer inspection, a number of differences can be identified which serve to explain why the two verbs developed differently, and more precisely, why it was cweman and not lician that was replaced by of plaire. By investigating the two native psych verbs, Allen found the following differences: first, the T heme argument of lician need not be human whereas it has to be human with cweman. She assumes that it is exactly this semantic difference that leads to different developments of the two verbs in me : since the T heme of me quemen is the more topical 8 argument because it has properties generally associated with the subject of a sentence volitional, agentive , at the beginning of the me period it occurs more and more often in the nominative and is assigned the function of the subject.

    In contrast, for me liken it is the E xperiencer and not the T heme that is the more topical argument because the focus is on the reaction of the E xperiencer. This is why, according to Allen, the E xperiencer is mapped on the function of the subject. In the thirteenth century of plaire was copied and joined the set of native psych verbs. By providing a thorough empirical study on the semantics of me quemen and plesen , Allen assumes that plesen gradually replaced quemen because it was nearly synonymous, i. The difference between please and like manifests itself not only in the reverse mapping of the semantic roles but also in the amount of responsibility attributed to the T heme as C ause.

    Allen provides the following interpretation of the data: in 4a the T heme which is expressed by I is seen as the cause of the emotion described by please ; the T heme is thus held responsible for it. In the following we will provide evidence for the transfer of the syntactic properties of plaire to the two native verbs under investigation to complement the picture. Although Allen did not empirically investigate this aspect, she comments on it see in saying that when please was copied it was copied with French syntax and then adapted to English syntax.

    More precisely, she assumes that the French pattern where the E xperiencer was syntactically realised as an indirect object was transferred to English, and the marking of the indirect object by the preposition a was replaced by the English preposition to. By comparing the entries we are able to identify how the verb was originally used and we get a first impression to which degree these properties may have been copied to English.

    This methodological approach is the basis for our corpus study where we will then check which constructions we actually find in our me data. In the following we compare the entries of of plaire in the Tobler and Lommatzsch of dictionary tl , Blumenthal and Stein, , Anglo-Norman an 10 plaisir in the Anglo-Norman Dictionary and 11 and me plesen in the Middle English Dictionary med.

    We cross-checked the information found in the med with the information found in the Oxford English Dictionary oed. The and entry of this verb is plaisir , the me verb plesen is first attested in StJ-C H. The tl lists the intransitive use i. Thaon Best. Cameron Sc.

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    This construction could not be found in me.